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It was first published in It was popular for half a century in the Victorian era , running through 29 London editions by It was also published in America. The Modern Cook was the first to mention filling wafer cones with ice cream. The book influenced households in Britain and America to aspire to more complex, French-style dinners in imitation of the Queen, and resulted in a change in eating habits, including the modern two-course approach for both lunch and dinner.

The popularity and importance of Gerber products in other countries is a good example of American dietary In Inventing Baby Food: Taste, Health, and the Industrializa- colonialism and cultural imperialism Caldwell ; Kimura tion of the American Diet, Amy Bentley shows how the attitudes et al.

This issue, however, these Trying Twenties.

The Modern Cook - Wikipedia

Bauer begins with a catchy compari- remains in the background while other topics become the son of two bootleggers, the well-known Al Capone and the more central focus of her book. Bentley continuously refers locally known Joe Irlbeck, as each arrived for his day in court to the contested relations between mothers, who strive to fulfill on June 16, —the former in Chicago and the latter in Des their role properly and to feed their children in the right way, Moines.

Bauer continues to pull the reader along with his and the food industry that has become in many ways entangled carefully detailed narrative—the days, the times, the person- in mothering practices. This fascinating and difficult relation- alities, the problems, the region, the risks, the arrests, and the ship is what Inventing Baby Food is mainly about.

Bentley possible profits. These are the most interesting parts of the and sparingly throughout the narrative, although Bauer could book, which would benefit from a more comprehensive have offered a few direct quotes to recognize and honor their investigation of other issues as well. Still, anyone interested research and theories.

Dunn, Elizabeth C. Privatizing Poland: Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Bauer strives for the honest story. We must remember Bryce T. Bauer that those who made moonshine were breaking federal law— Chicago: Chicago Review Press, it was illegal and risky—and most bootleggers did this for pp.

For them, that panic had long before set restaurant was low enough that women could do so without in as a way of life. With so many children and their food and much capital. The first women restaurateurs then opened the clothes, and with the acre farm, complete with a mortgage door for many others: Thirty Years That mother restaurant of this new effort to showcase quality local Changed Our Culinary Consciousness ingredients in a down-to-earth way.

Joyce Goldstein Restaurant chains soon emerged, reproducing at a lower Berkeley: University of California Press, price point the most easily recognizable aspects of the move- pp. Thirty Years That technique. California then meant some kind of unfettered Changed Our Culinary Consciousness: In the Bay Area, upscale restaurants plated the interspersed with profiles of roughly sixty key figures in the food simply, showcasing the ingredients.

They emphasized California Cuisine movement. These figures appear in mul- their ethical approach and celebrated artisanal production, tiple chapters, but their profiles pop up at just the opportune terroir, and the counterculture. In contrast, restaurateurs in moment. Goldstein has a talent for filling in the details with the LA region stressed adventure and fashion; they were more fascinating information from almost two hundred interviews likely to have formal training and they put more effort into she conducted with people in the California Cuisine move- style, bold flavors, and unexpected combinations on the plate.

Many of them were Goldstein discusses how innovations in desktop publish- self-taught; they encouraged each other to explore. The book includes almost the first hot day of the year. Sibella Kraus showed restaura- two dozen menus from relevant restaurants—a few from an teurs how to cultivate relationships with their providers, so earlier period, however, would have helped demonstrate the they could trust each other.

Those without formal training evolution. It was popular for half a century in the Victorian era , running through 29 London editions by It was also published in America. The Modern Cook was the first to mention filling wafer cones with ice cream. The book influenced households in Britain and America to aspire to more complex, French-style dinners in imitation of the Queen, and resulted in a change in eating habits, including the modern two-course approach for both lunch and dinner.

Coming to England, he worked for various aristocrats before becoming chief chef of Crockford's club and then chief cook to Queen Victoria in Apart from the preface and Francatelli's advice on serving wine, the body of the book consists almost entirely of recipes without any kind of introduction.

There is no guidance on choice of kitchenware or advice on the layout of the kitchen. The recipes are presented entirely as instructions, generally without illustration. Quantities are sometimes named, as in the "Cream Bechamel Sauce", which begins "Put six ounces of fresh butter into a middle-sized stewpan; add four ounces of sifted flour, some nutmeg, a few peppercorns, and a little salt;". In other cases only the relative proportions are indicated, as for the "Salmis of Partridges with Aspic Jelly", where the only hint of quantity in the recipe is "must be mixed with one-third of its quantity of aspic jelly".

This recipe also indicates the style of cross-referencing, with the starting instruction "Prepare the salmis as directed in No. The Modern Cook is the first published record in England of filling wafer cornets, which Francatelli called gauffres , with ice cream. He used them to garnish his iced puddings.

The following apply to the 28th edition of The table of contents did not have page numbers. The 28th edition is illustrated with 60, mostly small, engravings. There is a full-page frontispiece of the author, drawn by Auguste Hervieu and engraved by Samuel Freeman — All the other engravings are of completed dishes, showing the serving-plate with the food arranged on it and often elaborately garnished.

The artists and engravers of the food illustrations are not identified. Francatelli provides "A Series of Bills of Fare for Every Month Throughout the Year", including dinners variously for 6, 8, 10, 12, 14 16, 18, 20, 24, 28 and 36 persons though not all of these in every month.

The bills of fare for dinners for 6 persons thus represent the simplest menus in the book.

All the dinners are divided into a first and a second "Course", but each course was divided in turn into three or four servings, in most cases with a choice of two or more dishes. There is a single bill of fare for a "Ball Supper for Persons", and one for a "Public Dinner" for the same number. There are 13 bills of fare for "Her Majesty's Dinner", each with an exact date in and the words " Under the control of C.

Each of the royal dinners has either eight or nine courses including a buffet or sideboard , except for that of 30 June which is divided into two "Services" and has 11 courses. The royal dinners are described almost entirely in French, with the exception of the heading, the phrase "Side Board", and a few specifically British dishes such as "Roast Mutton" and "Haunch of Venison".

Some of these entremets used the most costly ingredients, including truffles in Champagne. The Modern Cook was first published in Put simply, cuisines travel, but some travel better than oth- ers. I would list four types of factors: In considering these factors, I focus on the situation of Japanese cuisine by drawing on the relevant chapters in this volume and some further details on Japan in particular.

Among high-cuisine Western chefs that I interviewed in my research in Shanghai, Japanese culinary concepts are second only to French culinary training in influencing the dishes they produce. Intrinsic Culinary Factors The success of Japanese food globally has been attributed to many factors inherent to the cuisine itself: I would suggest, however, that such traits are common in many cuisines and do not alone explain the recent global success of Japanese cuisine.

Consumers, chefs, and food journalists all have a stake in emphasizing the intrinsic qualities of a cuisine.

Consumers want to eat well, chefs want to be known for their artistry, and food writers want to write about good food. While tasty, easy to prepare, and healthy food can be found practically everywhere, not all of it is picked up and carried along in the global culinary trade winds.

To explain these differences, I suggest we look to the additional three institutional and political factors. Institutionalization of a Transnational Culinary Field As the discussion above indicates, cuisines are produced, con- sumed, and evaluated within a culinary field sustained by a host of actors including distributors, food producers, culinary schools, culi- nary media, and many other actors.

For a cuisine to succeed in new contexts, simply having willing cooks and consumers usually is not enough. Rather, we must also have a network of supporting institu- tions to sustain this culinary field.

Japanese cuisine, for example, has benefited from the early develop- ment of a worldwide supply chain for distinctive Japanese products as well as from the establishment of specialized food processing and agri- cultural production by Japanese abroad. Some of these supply chains date back to the early twentieth century, while others emerged only with the advent of jet travel Ishige et al.

Sushi has become the signature dish of Japan, but without Japanese rice varieties grown in California Ujita and sophisticated supply networks for raw fish products Bestor , there could not have been a global sushi boom. Large Japanese corporations have long played a role in spread- ing Japanese cuisine.

More recently, Japanese restaurant chains have been expanding glob- ally as well. For example, Ajisen, serving Kumamoto ramen, opened their first restaurant abroad in Taiwan in , and by July they had outlets, which was six times the number of domestic outlets at ninety-eight Ajisen Ltd By , the Zensho group as a whole owned two hundred outlets abroad, focusing on Brazil and China. At the same time, kitchens are also contact zones in which cooks learn about tastes, ingredients, and techniques from other chefs.

They are the primary training grounds in which culinary skills are acquired and transferred across borders. One of the ways in which French cuisine has prospered globally has been through the vast numbers of foreign chefs training in French restaurants. The openness of such elite kitchens facilitates a form of global knowledge transfer that also perpetuates reputations within a culinary field Svejenova et al.

Japanese cuisine has also become a global cuisine through the training of non-Japanese chefs in Japanese restaurants, especially in countries where English is used. Multi-ethnic New York Japanese kitchens have become an important culinary contact zone in which new migrant talents may be absorbed into the Japanese culinary field, cultivating culinary stars, who in turn produce critically acclaimed hybrid creations see, for example, Wells As David Wank and I have found in our research interviews with sushi chefs in the USA and in Europe, Japanese restaurants in major cities such as New York and London have clearly served as important contact zones for transmis- sion of Japanese cooking techniques.

In contrast, in a restaurant kitchen that is largely mono-ethnic or where entry is closed by religious, linguistic, or other barriers, the culture of that kitchen will spread in a more limited fashion. Argu- ably this is case in Chinese kitchens, in which non-Chinese cooks are less common, making it less likely that non-Chinese will master more intricate Chinese culinary techniques.

Chinese kitchens are often characterized by insiders as closed shops protective of recipes. Inclusive Culinary Politics Most nations and many regions within countries have established pol- icies to promote their cuisines abroad: It is dif- ficult to assess these efforts at a glance, but one factor seems to stand out: In other cases, such as the Chinese case described by Sidney Cheung in this volume, the local officials seem effective in both defining and promoting a cuisine without too much concern for local authenticity.

In the case of Japan, we can see evidence of both exclusive and inclusive approaches to culinary politics. More inclusive approaches include efforts supporting Japanese restaurants abroad.

JRO, for examples, organizes activities introducing Japanese culinary tech- niques and ingredients to foreign culinary producers, including a VIP event at the London Olympics to introduce one hundred top London chefs to Japanese ingredients, a pavilion devoted to sake distilling at the Hong Kong food expo, and Japanese cuisine courses offered in culinary schools in Holland and France MAFF Some efforts show a mix of inclusiveness and culinary boundary maintenance.

In conclusion, culinary globalization involves transnational pro- cesses and cross-border institutions, as well as face-to-face intercul- tural contacts within spaces such as restaurants and cooking schools. The discussion here only identifies some of these processes, institu- tions, and spaces of interaction.

Naturally, the diverse contributions to this volume do not strictly employ the vocabulary sketched out in this introduction. However, this framework is drawn from conversa- tions with these authors and from close readings of their empirical studies.

Notes 1. See http: References Ajisen Ramen Chain. Accessed August Appadurai, Arjun. The Social Lives of Things: Commodities in a Cultural Perspective. Cambridge University Press. Bestor, Theodore. The Fish Market at the Center of the World. University of California Press. Bourdieu, Pierre. A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste. Introduction 17 Ceccarini, Rossella. Pizza and Pizza Chefs in Japan: A Case of Culinary Globalization. Cheung, Sidney, and Chee-Beng Tan, eds. Food and Foodways in Asia: Resource, Tradition and Cooking, Vol.

Clifford, James. Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Accessed January 15, Cwiertka, Katarzyna J. Asian Food: The Global and the Local. Dai, Yifeng. Wu, 21— University of Hawaii Press. DiMaggio, Paul J. Farrer, James, ed. Sophia Institute of Comparative Culture.

Accessed March 3, Sophia University Institute of Comparative Culture: From Eating for Strength to Culi- nary Cosmopolitanism. Ferguson, Priscilla Parkhurst. Accounting for Taste: The Triumph of French Cuisine.

University of Chicago Press. Ferguson, Priscilla Parkhurst, and Sharon Zukin. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Fine, Gary Alan. Berkeley, CA: Foucault, Michel.

The History of Sexuality: An Introduction, Vol. New York: Goody, Jack. Cooking, Cuisine and Class: A Study in Comparative Soci- ology. Griswold, Wendy. Thousand Oaks, CA: Ikezawa Yasushi. Accessed August 19, Ironies and Ambivalences of Food, Cuisine and Globality.

Issenberg, Sasha. The Sushi Economy: Globalization and the Making of a Modern Delicacy. Gotham Books. Japan Brand Liaison Group. Accessed February 25, Jurafsky, Dan. The Language of Food: A Linguist Reads the Menu. Kratoska, P.

Download Bentley: Contemporary Cuisine Brent Savage.Pdf

Leschziner, Vanina. Cognition and Reflexivity in the Culinary Field. Sophia University Institute of Comparative Culture. Accessed March 2, Published June. Accessed August 15, Mintz, Sidney. Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern His- tory. Naccarato, Peter, and Kathleen LeBesco.

Culinary Capital. Bloomsbury Publishing. Pratt, Mary Louise. Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transcultura- tion. Rath, Eric C.

Download Bentley: Contemporary Cuisine Brent Savage.Pdf

Japanese Foodways, Past and Present. Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press. Ray, Krishnendu. Introduction 19 Sushi Skills Institute. Tanaka, Masakazu. Contact Zone 1 Tomlinson, John. Globalization and Culture. Turgeon, Laurier, and Madeleine Pastinelli. Ujita, Norihiko. Amerika ni nihonshokubunka wo kaika sasete sumu- raitachi [The samurai who popularized Japanese food culture to the US]. Sanyo Books. Wallerstein, Immanuel. The Modern World-System I: Academic Press. Watson, James L.

Caldwell, eds. The Cultural Politics of Food and Eating. Malden, MA: Wells, Pete. Shuko in the East Village. Wu, David Y. The Glo- balization of Chinese Food and Cuisine: Markers and Breakers of Cultural Barriers. Wu and Sidney C. Cheung, 1— University of Hawaii. Yoshino, Kosaku. Sophia University Institute of Comparative Cul- ture. Accessed March 1, Yoshinoya Co. Accessed May 17, Zensho Co. Zimmerman, Martin, and Hisako Ueno.

The Pleasures of an Indian O cean Cuisine? Taste can also reveal the limits of the ubiq- uitous presumption of national cultures. But first we have to un- think modern Western formulations that have trivialized literal taste. Western philosophers have long denied aesthetic legitimacy to taste on the tongue while theorizing about taste in general Korsmeyer ; Dickie This chapter seeks to recover literal taste and corporeal sensory experience to contest the idea of national cultures by deterritorializing good food.

I do that by taking apparently trivial comestibles—such as curry leaf and betel leaf—to show the importance of transnational and transoceanic connections, the depth of premod- ern globalization, and the folly of presuming bounded national tastes and terroir. In mining the recently robust historiography of the Indian Ocean, I undermine the naturalization of the nation-state as the only legitimate domain of thinking about taste.

In their cultural history of Italian cuisine, Alberto Capatti and Mas- simo Montanari note how pizza and pasta have become the most rec- ognizable signs of Italy the farther one goes from Italy Capatti and Montanari , xx. Capatti and Montanari flatten the aesthetic hierarchy set in place in early modern Europe. Aesthetics was born in European philosophy as a discursive field in the eighteenth century, when it was argued that literal taste is unconscious, subjective, and too intimate to allow rational elabo- ration.

We are finally turning the corner from this anthropocentric anti-materialism that has dominated much of continental Western philosophy. Finally, the arts of cooking and thinking can be brought together, and palatal taste can be recovered as a legitimate site of aes- thetic engagement.

Curry Leaf and the Indian Ocean The curry leaf opens up the flavors of the vast reaches of the eastern Indian Ocean that hints at long-established transactions in trade, taste, and comestibles that predate European empires of trade that have been vastly underestimated by Eurocentric history writing.

In particular, the curry leaf L. Murraya koenigii brings us tan- talizingly close to the edge of the Indian subcontinent, as it is closely associated with peninsular India. According to the Indonesian chef William Wongso, the closest substitute to the daun salam leaf L. What Chef Saran merely touches on, Chef Floyd Cardoz devel- ops decisively in One Spice, Two Spice, moving outward from the peninsular subcontinent, rather than taking the typical trajectory toward the heartland Cardoz , xiii.

It is rife with recipes that evoke the palatal memory of networks traversing the Arabian Sea that predate European colonialism. The fragrance and heat of the rosemary connected with that of gin- ger in the sauce and turned into something marvelous. In mixing Mediterranean products such as wine although the Riesling itself pulls the Mediterranean fruit to its temperate limit and rosemary in his chicken curry, Cardoz was retracing what Tamil poets had already commented upon almost eighteen hundred years ago.

Southern Indian court society was the destination of Greek and Roman ships packed with amphorae filled with Mediterranean wine and holds full of gold coins Davis , 11; Chakravarti This recovery of durable connections in the premodern era corrects the tendency to overaccentuate the current phase of globalization. Furthermore, literal taste challenges our temporal analytics in refus- ing to let the last two hundred years of Indian history overwhelm the rest of it. Many contemporary Indian tastes, such as the ubiquitous one for tea with cream and sugar, or for Scotch whisky, would not have been established without British colonialism, but that sits on top of much longer currents, especially where the domestic cookery of peninsular India is concerned, home of the curry leaf, with its robust, citrusy aroma that works beautifully as a counterpoint to pungent mustard oil.

The Long Cycle of Trade and Taste Drawing attention to long-distance, long-term connections is a useful way to remind ourselves that globalization has a long lineage. In her presidential address at the annual meeting of the Association of Asian Studies in , Barbara Watson Andaya proposed that such connec- tions are a useful pedagogical tool to think more sharply about global- ization Framing it within a more specific time period, Prasenjit Duara avers that since at least the thirteenth century, we have had densely interlinked networks of trade from the Red Sea to the South China Sea, held together by the port city of Malacca and fed by monsoon winds that brought in seasonal traders from Persia, Arabia, and India Abu-Lughod Arab geographers of long ago were aware of the relationship between different oceans and the Bilad al- Islam.

The relative smallness of the Mediterranean and its closed nature turned out to be advantageous compared to the much bigger oceans. Half a century later, this provoked K.

Subsequently, that question has produced a whole school of historians, from Sanjay Subrahmanyam , Pius Malekandathil , Sugata Bose , Thomas Metcalf , and Ranabir Chakravarti to numerous others.

They became locals in southwest, south and southeast Asia and yet remained cosmopoli- tans with vital connections across the ocean Ho That sets up the need for a sensory history of the Indian Ocean littoral. Yet the east coast of Africa, the edges of the Arabian Peninsula, the Persian littoral, and much of peninsular India are missing in those culinary archives. Food preparation and consumption, as the most intimate, everyday house- hold activity, is a very useful metric for the depth of globalization.

If we account for the depth of a shared palate, for instance, for betel nut, coconut, tamarind, dates, and curry leaf, we can forge the connections that we can obviously hear in the prayers of a devout Indonesian Mus- lim or a Balinese Hindu.

Research in inter-Asian trade and taste also underlines the extracolonial foundations of this postcolonial moment. By attending to food and foodways at the margins—at oceanic zones and frayed territorial borders, between nations, and below national scales—research can recast the cultural domains of identity that have eclipsed the density and depth of inter-Asian taste trajectories.

Take for instance rice and fish, considered the archetype of Bengali national cuisine. About kilometers north of Kolkata, the Farakka Barrage has been a source of conflict between India and Bangladesh partly because of water rights, but equally because it is alleged that West Bengalis appropriate more than their fair share of ilish Tenu- alosa ilisha. Conventionally identified with East Bengalis, the fish travels upstream from the Bay of Bengal, laying eggs in Indian waters, but by the time they are grown and ready to be eaten, they are trapped behind the barrage, depriving Bangladeshis of their share of the fatty fish.

The ilish is a delicious fish that is often preferred just plain pan- fried, or with the delicate hint of mustard and dried red chilies in tel- jhol fish curry.

The secret is to eat it with piping-hot, plain steamed rice. In the cases of rice and fish, agroecological, linguistic, and culinary maps exceed national domains and are worth attending to, so as to balance the emotional, spiritual, and administrative ener- gies we pour into state containers.

Food insinuates itself sometimes even between hostile national communities. Assertions of innate national differences are always fragile, contentious claims laced with acrimony, especially against those who might pass and cross over.

Such narratives mobilize and challenge the idea that taste culture must be contained within the nation and has to be bounded at the borders. National taste is always constructed, often against the very neighboring regions that are gus- tatorily proximate but ideologically distant. In fact, Bengali palates as much as Punjabi tastes violate the idea of an Indian cuisine. It is worth rattling national and religious cages in the name of language, taste, and agroecology.

Paan and Public Orality To open up that discussion even further, and to deepen it, we can return to the Indian Ocean and take a closer look at the quarter between China and India, attending to an intriguing packet of betel leaf Piper betle and areca nut Areca catechu. Here the instigation came from the work of one of my doctoral students, Jackie Rohel. It underlines the otherwise obfuscated link between East Asia and South Asia that echoes the pathways of dispersal of coconut, sago palm, certain yams, and probably green chilies.

These are often extracolonial links hiding in plain view as ubiquitous everyday practices. Paan chewing is rampant in India, as rampant as tea and whiskey drinking. But the latter are clear products of British impe- rial influence on the Indian palate, through hierarchy, emulation, propaganda, and advertising, while paan is decisively not a product of British imperial design.

In the Berber traveler Ibn Battuta, writing in Arabic, chronicled its usage in various parts of India and in Mogadishu cited in Lunde ; Dunn , Yet paan is ignored in most academic work on South Asia, other than in the domain of public health Pant [] is one recent, although still minor, exception.

Paan is as important to the South Asian economy, politics, and culture as coffee is to Europe and America. That is where newspapers were born. Modern literature, art, and aesthetics were critiqued in journals exchanged in such spaces.

Then the teahouses emerged that gath- ered the women excluded from the masculine, bourgeois domain of coffeehouses.

Notwith- standing the radical contraction that I am forced to undertake here for reasons of space, it is worth thinking about where the Indian pol- ity would be without the paan shop where conical betel leaf packets stuffed with betel nut, spices, and sometimes tobacco are sold, usually along with loose and packaged cigarettes.

The public of the politi- cian, the public of Bollywood, especially a masculine public, could exist no more than the European public could be constituted without coffee and the coffee shop.

Yet there is no scholarly work on the paan shop as a social institution.

Food and Territory The dominant modern frame of constituting gustatory identity has been in the name of territory, with nation as its preeminent center and province as its conjoined, peripheral twin.

As soon as we begin the discussion on nation and cuisine in the modern West, the French in the eighteenth century become the paradigmatic case of food and identity. That is the by-product of dominance of a certain kind of institutional French food, in a new kind of urban space that we have come to call a restaurant, driven by newly constituted professions of chefs and gastronomic journalists Spang ; Ferguson ; Son- nenfeld ; Pitte In this story both restaurants and cuisine are presumed to be French inventions.

The story is about Ludwig and Hippel, who travel through the vineyards of the Rheingau region of Germany mak- ing various judgments about national palates and moral characteristics ibid. Sojourning at numerous inns and vineyards, they drink German wine, and as a result they are assaulted by bad dreams. That turns out to be predictable, given that their unspecified doubts about German wines had prompted their journey in the first place.

Their drinking tour merely confirms what they already knew: French identity as a sophisticated one is built at the expense of the German burgermeister mayor , a national contrast, as it usually is in matters of taste at the end of the nineteenth century. Such narratives mobilize the idea that culture must be contained within the nation and has to be bounded at the borders, notwith- standing persistent extensions such as Alsace and Lorraine between Germany and France, Punjab between Pakistan and India, Mexico and New Mexico in North America, or Bengal spread out between Bangladesh and India.

Examples can proliferate from almost every border region of the world, once we take really existing societies and actual food into consideration.

The obvious implication is unavoidable: The economic and cultural connections between the hinterland and urban centers on the coast are obvious in the historical record in the spaces of pepper production and distribution from the sixteenth century, and its rela- tionship to the flow of bullion and especially copper in the opposite direction to forge temple bells and bronze utensils of elite families and the feeding centers of large bhakti temples, linking the interiors and edges of the subcontinent via a circulation of commodities, bankers, coppersmiths, pilgrims, proselytizers, cooks, and traders Malekandathil Of course not everyone chooses to think of himself or herself as living near the sea, but in habits and everyday practice, the land and the sea pulls people together, sometimes in spite of themselves.

That is only a part of the story. The time has come to inhabit the edges of continents—the skin, so to speak, versus the heartland—as the precise point of contact, and of flows, of people, of culture, of cuisine, where the New World chili meets the littoral coconut, and the curry leaf materializes a culture not merely as metaphor but as real curry: The basic tools of cultural history and demographics have been so nationalized that they have repressed the centrality of connections between neighboring regions.

Similarly, we ignore the evidence of material cultural exchanges between the port cities of the littoral. A new history of oceans and renewed visibility of transnational circulation are reinvigorating discussions of cultural domains that exceed the nation-state. The inaudible world of taste and trade in comestibles opens a window into this stifled science of the space between nations. That is what I have tried to recover here— a few instances of the cuisine between nations, to shift our focus from the tired curries of the heartland.

It puts the subject in the middle of both the discussion and the landscape that extends incrementally in all directions, which of course shows a much better grasp of local reality than the edges, borders, and boundaries that appear in the four-colored maps of modernity that have come to colonize our minds. Only with such reconceptualization can below-the-nation spatialization of taste be connected to transna- tional and oceanic scales above them. Here I have suggested that we could use the oceans and comestibles such as curry leaf and betel leaf to open our minds and analytical frames i.

Routes of dispersal are equal in importance to roots in human cultural ecumenes. A different version of this essay was first published in Studies in Western Australian History no.

Kenneth R. Hall and Hugh R. Clark provide historio- graphical overviews of the Indian Ocean trade ecumene. The use of curry leaves is described in early Tamil Sangam literature dat- ing back to the first centuries of the Common Era. Its use is mentioned a few centuries later in Kannada literature too. Recipes can be found in William W.

Wongso and Hayatinufus A. Before European Hegemony: The World System A. Oxford University Press. Alford, Jeffrey, and Naomi Duguid. Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities.

Beaujard, Phillipe. Bose, Sugata. A Hundred Horizons: Braudel, Fernand. University of California Press 1st edition Capatti, Alberto, and Massimo Montanari. Italian Cuisine: A Cultural History. Columbia University Press. Cardoz, Floyd. One Spice, Two Spice: American Food, Indian Flavors. William Morrow Cookbooks. Chakravarti, Ranabir. Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society. New Delhi: Chaudhuri, K. Trade and Civilization in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to Clark, Hugh R.

An Introductory Commentary. Davis, Richard H. Global India circa CE: South Asia in Early World History. Ann Arbor, MI: Association for Asian Studies. Dickie, George. The Century of Taste: Duara, Prasenjit.

Conceptualizing a Region for Our Times. Dunn, Ross E. The Adventures of Ibn Battuta. Fuller, Dorian Q. Gupta, Akhil. Guy, Kolleen M. When Champagne Became French: Wine and the Making of a National Identity.

Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Habermas, Jurgen. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. MIT Press. Hall, Kenneth R. Ho, Engseng. The Graves of Tarim: Genealogy and Mobility Across the Indian Ocean. Korsmeyer, Carolyn. Making Sense of Taste: Food and Philosophy. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Lunde, Paul. Malekandathil, Pius.

Maritime India: Trade, Religion and Polity in the Indian Ocean. Metcalf, Thomas R. Imperial Connections: India in the Indian Ocean Arena, — Ory, Pascal. Osella, Caroline, and Fillipo Osella.

Journal of South Asian Studies vol. XXXI, no. Pant, Pushpesh. Accessed November 3, Pham, Mai. Pleasures of the Vietnamese Table. William Morrow.

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